
o 




THE SUBSTANCE OF A 



BEBTERED IIT THE 



MOUSK OF REPRIESEHTATIVES, 

OJV TJIE &TH JAXUARY, 18J2. 

By D. R. WILLIAMS. 



On the passage of a Bill from the Senate to raise 
twenty-five thousand men. 



:Mr. D. R. \V1LLIAM3 said, there was no- 
thing more natural than a desire to justify the 
\6Xt we are called upon to give upon so import- 
ant a question as the present ; even in ordinary 

5 cases, it is bot'> natm-al and justifiable ; much 
more so, in a case which is of sufficient magni- 
tude, abstractly considered, to eScite all our 
sfilicitude, nou' become infinitely more mpmen- 

^tovis by the course the avgurnent has t-kcn ;'. 
for the question is, not only shall the bill pass, 
but shall there be war ? 

After the m.aturest deliberation, he had been 
able to give the subject, he must confess that, 
he was not perfectly Satisfied with the details 
of the bill before the' House, He believed it to 
be fairly liable to tlie objections urged against 
it, b}- his worthy friend from N. Carolina (Mr. 
Macon). Sir, the organization of the troops 
contemplated to be i-nised is new — it'is true, it 
liad Tjeen intimated to be an imitstion of the 
Frenah organization ; but that is not the fact, 
and viewing it as an experiment, he could not 
•but distrust itj<c^" suiy other tliat s]iould be at- 
tempted at this time. It puts down the old 
system, which canicdus -safe and triumphant 
through our war, and peihaps might better 
through anotjacr, than to take up one that is new, 
im tried, ««iR:perimental ; besides, it certain'y 
does establish a preference in the command of 
officers of the same grade, in the old and Uiis 
new army — he tiiought the jealousies sufficient 
already, without adding new causes ; but as it 
is impossible every member should obtain his 
precise wishes m matters of detail, perhaps no 
one ought sooner to distrust his own judgement 
than himself, and as the principle of the bill 
met liis approbation, he would vote for it, more 
especially, as he considered it the first measure 
of war against Great Britain. 
■ To his mind there appeared to be only these 
courses left for the nation. Repeal the non- 
importation law an 1 ta^ct- n 'rar n-'ah France—, 



make war on Great-Britain, or submit to the 
principle of her orders in council. Which al- 
ternative then shall we accept? He had no 
agency in bringing the country into its present 
situation, but it was not therefore less his duty 
to exert every effi)rt to rescue her from it. 
The period had arrived, when he considered 
indiffiirence as criminal— that 'he who was not 
for tV.o countty, was against it. He was not ^ 
disposed to repeal the non-itrportation law -at ' 
this time ; because he considered, no matter 
whethep he approved of the fact o? not, that the 
faith of the nation was pledged to retain it, 
and. that its repeal would, of cotu"se, be a vio- 
lation of tlut faith ; nor did he believe that a- 
ny circumstance could arise, so imperious in 
his mind, as to induce him, by any vote of his, 
to violate a faith, so dear, and heretofore so im- 
maculate. The repeal- of that law, happen 
when it may, must necessarily depend on cir- * 
cumstance.s that are not yet known. 

To yield to the principle 'of the orders in 
council, is a virtual .-ibandonment of the rights 
of an independent nation. He meant not to 
drivel out this debate, by following some gen- 
tlemen througii their tedious details concerning 
the relative importance of the events of '98 ; let 
us come hoffle \p the present times and i;i- 
quiro, what is that principle ? Practically con- 
sidered, it is the exercise of supreme legisl.y 
tion over us, involvir.g not only all the attri- 
butes of legitimate sovereignty, but despotism 
direct, -And when honored with seats in thi.«i 
House, while entrusted witli the interests and 
rights too of the people of the United States, 
shall we basely, and without resistance, suc- 
cumb to British domination ? The question 
then Is, ought resistance to be made by ijhysi- 
cal force ? 

H'' could not but rejoice, that ntither the 
revocat!",n nor modification of tlie French e- 
dictjS, enter into the pr.?s?nt discussion. How 



e^r positive and important the repeal or modi- 
Scuiioii ot ilic 13eiliii and Mdan decrees may 
be ui lis, tlity ai-e in rel..tion tu Gi-e;.t Britain, 
now merged by lier, in considerutions of far 
diflLiiiii cliai-i.clcr and import. The demands 
madi b_\ lliat g ivernmtni through its accrtdi - 
cd mmisur hert, lias Ihrov.n the repeal of 
those decrees eniirely out of the dispute ; bi - 
caub , contrary to her solemn and rcitcrattd 
promises, wiicther thej ari; repealed or not, Ik r 
orders are to be continued iii force. Wiiat now 
is made the basis of their revocation ? You arc 
required to aci within the territorial limits of 
France — to put down heruKuiicipal reg-ulutions 
—to flvcitlirow her vhole system of inlcrn:il 
trade a:.d manufacture, wliereby, a channel may 
be opened fur ihe intioduciion of Briiish m-inu- 
'faCiUre-s into Fr;. ncli ports. I,> il possible that 
any man can mistake the secret object of such 
a requisition ? C;.n it be concealed that it is c- 
quiialent to an absolute, imquulified rejection 
of every overture for a rejjcal on her part ? 
What prcU xt of justice has she f )r sucli a de- 
mand ? Ai"e F;tnc!. manufuclures admitted in- 
to heTj-'orvs! Will she admit them under any 
circumsi-ince whatever ? Does she even per- 
mit yoii, who are to procure this advantage for 
her, to carry yo!u- own mauufac'.ures lo her do- 
minions .' N-i. If, then, the renunciation of 
the p.inciple of her ord.'Ls, depends upon our 
securing lo her ihe mtrcductioii of her manu- 
factures into France, v.liat are we to expect ? 
What oilier re^otnce than po.si'ive resistance 
have we I. ft? We are ihen brought to a di- 
rect dee isiun, either to submit to Liic pririciple, or 
CO ojjpose it b_\ force : Submit ! did he sa^- ! 
he shi-unk. with <V testation fumi the idea! In- 
ifcedlicteU liumbled by the seeming necessity 
of «pt kinp- of »t ; Imi die jjtntleman ftom Vir- 
ginia. (Mr. Sheffey) hu,u nr.ade it necessary, to ex- 
pose such .a ruinous &. disgraceful course. Much 
as he lesp.tcted — he did not mean to reflect up- 
ji the man, but his arguments he abliorred. 
;'o his mind, every hope that an accommo- 
,1 ma\ yet be eflccud with Great Britain, :'.p- 
pears [». i u c ly unfounded. If there is u mem- 
ber oi this House, t<joidleto examine, or liav- 
injjcxamii ed the ilocumcnts on your table, has 
noiconfideiiceinthcir SMtenients.ordoes not be- 
lieve lh..L every ellirt by ncgociation has been 
Blade, such a man dcstives not to beconvin- 
Cetl-to al; others, any dlustratiun of mine is unne- 
ceisary. Sir, ntgociat-.on has been exhansled ; 
tlicre IS hiUm, but conclusive testinmny to the 
Ifcci. Neither wi. hill this Jlobsc, nor without it, 
to his kiii)',vlcge,lias any man, however violently 
oppoHcd lo the admmistraiion, vcutTin d tke 
Blifrhtest iminiation to -he contrary— even the 
peiitli man fr-.m \'iig;ini:i, acute as !:e is, anil 
haid a'i he lab)red against the bil:, did i-,ct 
suggest a doubr. If then ncgociaU<:n is cx- 
kauKUd, it is a fact no where denied, wliat al- 
teriutirc have we but to figia or succumb .> Geu- 
tlemrn neid not dwell upon the miseries, the 
eori..equetie«-s of war. I dread the curses of 
pOittnty more. Uut, .sir, wh:it are the causes 
of w.ir ; Sin.ilar injur es with those of which 
tjle Old Congress complained, and against 
which they fou'^'hi Great IJritain "exercises 
^unbounded 'overr ignfv on the oce:m— she rami s 






chandize should be carried, and wiili whom 
alone we should trade" — The wanton plunder 
of our propi r(y — tlie ur.provoheil impresMuent 
of our fellow ci I izons — 'Jic assertion of ))riii- 
ciples and the practice uoon them, absolutel> 
incompatible with our independence — Shall i 
go on ? Ny-T-Gentlemen cannot bear to hear 
the nauseous calalof^iie of wrongs repeated; 
notwithstanding they will not resent them. Tiic 
same gentlem.'in from A'irginia, acknowledges 
we have had sufticient and justifiable causes of 
war, ever since the years 1805 — 6. Indeed ! 
what were they ? Top interruption of a trade 
dunng war, not enjoyed in a time of peace. 'Was 
the im]>ressmeut of sc;;men then, such a cn.use 
of war ? If these were justifiable causes of 
war then, how can he refuse to avenge the 
wiongs of !iis country now, increased and ex- 
tended as they are ? To his mind, ;iie inter- 
ruption of that foreign carrying trade, injuri- 
ous as itwas, hears no comparison with hei 
restrictions on the expoi-tation of our own pro- 
ducts. He could not give utterance to the in- 
dignation be felt, :it the i:nposition ofatiansit 
duty on our commerce to any pact of the 
world ihat Gre:a Uritaiu might choose to inter- 
dict. M) — thegeiUleman may reply, the orders 
in council do not levy contribution on our trade 
now, they are modHicd, sn as cv/y io interdict 
ptirticular places. If one place, why not cvtry 
other place ? But indeed, has that proud un- 
bending nation modified her orders, of whom 
he declared it w as impossible to divert from 
her purpose ? Was it discovered she had taken 
too rank hold.upon the peaceable habits of our 
people ? That tiie impositon of such a tax, had 
excited a ferment injurious to hcr.self, the 
cause of which, no sopliistry could conceal ' 
^^'as the buriiing of gin at Baltimore calculated 
to induce a belief that it might renew the same 
scenes with tlse elesU-uction of tea at Boston ? 
The outrage, w as indeed, too nearly allied to 
the causes of the revolution, to be borne. The 
orders are tlierefore modified ; but the evil still 
exists, tlie prii.ciple is retained, and is the 
Same, whether exercised by her in imposing a 
tax on our trade, in restricting our commeicci 
to particular places, or in asserting unbounded 
sovereignty on the ocean. AV'hat, at this mo- 
ment, ia the practical oj)erat:on of h.er orders ! 
She marks out the course and debtiniUion cf 
yotn- ships, laden with the productions of 
your own soil ; if 3-ou vary in the least from llie 
rimiUs she prescribes, your propert\' is capUtred 
and cwr.deiTincd, "y'or contrciveniii^,his Jlajer. 
tti'.'; o.'iUrs in Cnvnci'l !" Shall we be again ask- 
eil f<u- the causes of TWiv ? 

The san>.' gcntkm.n of Virginia asks, what 
are the ohjecis of ihc war ? The objects are 
necessarily involved in the caust-s of war; and, 
to his mind, were legitimate, honorable, just; 
;md necessary. The liberatitm of our unfortu- 
nate, incrrcerated seamen, is one object ac- 
know Lged by the gentleman to be proper. Tlie 
suflTerings of this meritorious description ;f citi- 
zens, who are as much entitled to protection aa 
any other (no matte r how elevated), cannot be 
[)alliated, and ought no longer to be endured. 
The right (not a restricted permission from G. 
IJritain), to a free and common use of the ocean 
is .-mother. The renuncialion of a principle 



( 3 ) 



r.riotliCr. The rc-ackno vviegenu nl, not ia form, 
but ill fact, of indcipendence — practical sover- 
elgntj- — another. Tliere can be neither securi- 
ty for our rights nor our property, when the 
power of taxation can be exercised (it is imma- 
terial under what name or cliaracter), without 
representation; for surely the produce of labor 
is his, who can take of it whatever he pleases. 
deprived of these great and vlt;il objects, who 
has amind to calc.ilate tiie result : And yet, 
great and vital as they are, they constitute only 
a part. V/ill tlie g-entlemau reply, tliey ar» 
Tici'hcr just nor necessiu'v r Wliat j^ave '-isoto 
the revolution ? Not a paltry tux on st.i'.ri s or 
tea, but the asscri.lon of the rlg-ht to tho.sc t„xes. 
AVMi.it now is our sitiialion ? The principle and 
jjractices against wliieh we are called upon to 
act, are in mag-nituJe and inssporuance, infinite- 
ly transcending th.i:ie of that day. 1"o avoid 
war, we huve receded, step by step, until we 
liave not one inch of !■ ;norable i^-ound left to 
Pland on. Are we not degenerated ? He would 
be glad to learn from the ;;eiitiem:in, whicli oi' 
tiie niuncrous o\itrap;es we l;avc; sufu red from 
G. Britain is greatest: so r.unierous are the\, i' 
appeared, to his mind, alniost itn])OdsibIe to d. - 
tennine vhich is worst. We arj now called 
upon to assert these objects ; if tliere Is no 
other ]nacticabk- mode than f;rce, we a.e bound 
to make great and cheerful sacrifices to sustain 
that force. But, suppose uncjualified submission 
is yielded, will that satisfy her ? He thought 
not. A disposition to advance on a receding 
opponent, marks her ch-iracter ; your ow)i 
ex])er;ence teaches ; yieUl them but fore cent, or 
a moment.and her sy btem is fasU-ned on your neck 
forever. To war there must be an end ; to this 
there never wiUl>e. li r s) stem, sir, is levelled 
at ♦■oiir most valuable interests : in a pecuniary 
point <)f view, it carries poverty and wretched- 
ness every where ; in every other, it ought to 
be spurned with detestation. Indeed, sir, it i* 
fastening a gangrene at the heart of the nation, 
whicli will imposUiumate in corruption and 
i-uin — its life-strings must rot. 

It has been said, our constitution is not cal- 
culated to sustain a war. It surely is not cal- 
cuhiteJ fsjr submission ; if it be, its brightest 
glories are gone, and his solicitude for its pre- 
servation must vanish with its virtues. He 
did not believe this was the fact. "What is this 
constitution ? It is a system of government 
whicli comblries a vast variety of interests and 
character in one great national larnily. In tliis 
family are many peculiar interests : how, then, 
is it to be kept together. He w.shed to feel for 
the people of New-England as be felt for the 
people of the South — each have their peculiar 
interests. That of the eastcin section of the 
Union depends upon the right to navigate the 
ocean ; that of the southern states, in the pos- 
session of a certain species of personal proper- 
ty. If you withdraw the protection of the 
general government from either, what is there 
left to cement its attachment to the Union ? 
Will any man contend that the rights of the 
one on the ocean are not as dear, or ought not 
to be maintained, as far as practicable, as in- 
violate as those of the other on the land, ? But 



that does not totieh tlieii* soil. Ttere seerai* 
be a sort of majic in these .vords. The Britis;; 
capture American vessels la,den with th* 
products of <5ur own soil, destined to France--^ 
the people will not resent tjiis, bccau^.e the soil 
is not touched. He would Le glad to learn 
f'om 111' eentlem.n v.'hat principle is there, 
that will justify the seizure of our produce on 
ts pissage from Charleston to Bordeaux, that 
•ill not equallv justitV the capture of our ves- 
sels bound from Boston to Mevr-York .' What 
t'!i£n becomes of your coas'ing tiade, the most 
iinposMant branch of commerce ? It may all bs 
destroyed ; and yet, accordi.lg ta the doctrin* 
of the day, the soil is not' touched! Cut the 
destructioti of th'- coasting tr..deis not suHicient 
to satisfy tlie impl.icable hatred of t!ie enemy; 
the bavs, and rivers and harbors are infested 
witli pirates; every thing that floated on their 
broad bosoms is also destroyed — this cornea 
still nearer the l.md, yet ihe soil is not touch- 
fd! Suppose the soil is touched, the hostile 
stundaril planted on the cu-stle, ;.nd Boston laid, 
in ;ishes— will the gentleman be contented to 
drive the enemy to the lines ? lie dare not fol- 
low theiTi— beyond it would be f )reign war ! 
Yes,sir, , just as much foreign war as we pro- 
posp to wage — the people will not bear it ! This 
is just " such stuff as dreams are made of." 
The soil, sir, is touched— be f It it— every man 
must feel it in his pocket, if not in his hca.ri, that 
the soil is touched, is violated. Tlte violation, 
reaches to the fire-side of e\ery ma!i in tlie na- 
tion, and the ■. iolators ought to find tlu.t the 
day of retribution is come. 

But, it is said, this war will not do, it will 
not be popular ; that the provoctions in '98 
\rere greater than they nov,- ar., and yet the old 
repubiicans cpp. is^d the v/ar of ih.it day. It was 
not his intention to f How the gen lemaii (Mr. 
Stanford) through his long details of those 
times. He was unwilling now to excite feelings 
long since buried. It appeared to him that this 
f.^ntleman's opposition was induced by a sin- 
gular c:uise indeed. It seems we have adopted 
a new rule at the present session — one not prac- 
tised on in '93 ; and as there was no war then, 
it will be out of order to resort to it now. 

[Mr. ;§!a?i/.)v/explained,thatlie had not said 
there was no war then, but that he had been 
opposed to the war.] 

He 'thought, continued Mr. Williams, it v/as 
not material to enquire whether the provoca- 
tion was greater in '98, or now ; but whether 
the present causes of war can no otherwise be 
removed ; and if not, is war therefore neces- 
sary and just. But if we must look back into 
the" amount of our losses then ; if gentlemen, 
must be met upon their miserable calculations 
of pounds, shillings and pence, let us examine 
the statements of the gentleman from North 
Carohna; if I mistake liim, I shall be glad to 
be corrected. I understood him to say, the 
proof was indisputable, that tiie injuries theti 
were greater than the present, because, in the 
Louisiana treaty, there was a stipidation for the 
payment of more than t..ree millions of dollars 
to American citizens, being- tlie amount of 

Id 



prediction on our commerce by Franct 
it has been said, by the same gentleman, the thit thi; sum far exceeded the losses susty 
people will not support a war fur any o'^jf ct ' by the Orders in Council The g-entlcj/' 



( 

vififortiini.'^ iu bis cwmparison. Altlioup'i 
there are no docTinK-nts in the possession of the 
/{(•use which thtw the number of capturos un- 
der the orders in ri,'jncil, from the h»st esti- 
mate he could make, and from llie oninio'i of 
rractical men in x.\u- House, tliat amount falls 
far short of the rece:;i capture? which are eve- 
ry hour iucrjasinp. Since the decision of Sir 
\Vi)\. Scott, in the case c.f the Fox, ninety o- 
thers (lie spoke from meinorj') had been ctv 
clcmiicd. The average value of these vessels 
and cargoes, is considered low at fifty thou- 
sand dollars, and in the aggregate, far exceed 
fhe losses he has alludc-d to. When it is re- 
membered that during the operation cf the 
Berlin and Mihm decrees, American merchants 
'ftitlihcld their shipments to France — for after 
the case of the Horiztm, every one was alarm- 
td — it is very evident that the orders have been 
as deadly, as in such circumstances they could 
be. Is other proof required ? Look to Uie in- 
surance offices ; tliey will not irisiue again-st 
captures under the orders in council for less 
than a war preniluni. 

■Why, asked the g^entleman from VlrgiHia, 
(Mr. Shefi'ey) shall we raise an army nox, 
when v.-e reftised to do it in '98 ? "VVj-j it hc- 
cause we were then our, but are nowj« ? The 
sheer politician, the man who seeks a seat in 
tills House for what he can g-et, no one can 
move heartily despise than himself Sucli are 
the wretches, who alone are affected by t!ie 
circumstance of in and out,- but the men v.-Iio 
come i>ere to represent and promote tl'.c inter- 
est »f the country ; who ask, who seek, who 
wish for nothing- for themselves, cannot he in- 
fluc:".ced by any such unworthy considerations. 
Arg^ument upon this po nt is 'superflous. lie 
api)c;ded to the ;^-enlleniari himself fjr the fact. 
He could not but consider thi induccn.cnts to 
avoid tiie war of '0!5 to be very diti; rent from 
tucli as prcs'.-nt themselves now. "What was 
r/.u- situation then ? Dues it bear the least re- 
bcmhbnce to th6 present ? Wc then enjoyed a 
prosperous trade with Great Di itain, wliich 
l!ie gcntlem-in sta;es to be to that of France as 
52 to '^. .Vrulra'ity w:is then practicable ; v.c 
were in fact reaping- the g-old.-n fruits cf wc-.w- 
ival tvade. While all its ricli streams were 
pourln^c into our country from every part "f tl'.e 
world; we wii-- then prowinjj rich ' and j*. cat ; 
ii surely wa.i inexpedient to jrp to war ; we 
t'.nUl ^MM iiolhiiig- by it ; it was madness. Do 
thene ciicuniatances c.\in v.ow ? 

liutthe people were jealous of the army in 

'58. He Wifihedhc could speak of the trar.s- 

kcl.ons of those days wiihout riUudiuj; to f.^cts 

«-,a|cula'f d to excite unpleasant fecliii-f a. i'hia 

wys nr.t his object. Wliy were they jealous .' 

'rhryHaw that the army v/as p^pably useless, 

*^7 v;')rKe. \\ was impossible to employ it a- 

(ijainst I'rance i not so ajrain.'iithomseUes. The 

:^'i.n :nid scd.iiitn laws ; the tloclririe of the 

nccei.'^ity <.f Jiimiblinjf in d ist :ir.(l ashi s a 

jfifit demorrkic .itate, f.llc<l them wiih a- 

Iwins ; lliey fcartd their then rulers intended to 

-.'.x.iige the}7ovi j'im»< !>t, and thatthe army was 

jp instrument te tfl'-Tt that purpose. 1 he v-j- 

a-eers too were oppoicd — ^tluir PiCtorian 

. ■" ' ■ iuSj the power vcs'cdin the. states, 

• :i \i Xtxxt, \.\i6 oontriTCT.ci. Tbe 



4 ) 

states were rolsbed -vf rue sbsoiule ng-lit to of- 
ficer them ; he said robbed, as that power 
which is Wfcly trivn to the states, .is a co\:n- 
terpoise to the physical force of tii2 general g-o- 
vc-Timent, was unjonslitntionally iiiken from 
tbi m and given to tiie President alone. 

He understood the g-ent'eman from Virj^inia 
(M)-. Shefley) to say, we were g<iiiig to war 
for a mere phantom ; for, if llie on'ers were 
repealed tomorrow, the trade t-) Franca w;is 
riot worth having. What are the ordci-s wortii ? 
said he. Nothing : they wire only ]).iper and 
ink. Tiie deep inroad that horrible ;-y.=tcm has 
mride on the ch.aractev a;ul interest of his 
country, o!ight not to he so cons'der'rd. Is it 
possible, there .should be or.e man h.ft in the 
nslion, who can <;iink the revocation of a prin- 
ciple v.hich nut only shu'.>; tiie continent of Eu- 
rop2 .-igainst your commeicc, but warrants its 
exten-jion through everv' /^pecies and grade of 
injury and insult, or.ly paper and ink ! It may 
be easj'' for the geu'leman who estimates na- 
tional honor .as a bubble, to c:>n':empl it3 tha 
orders in council vvilh perfect iuditlbr- 
encc ; but fjr himself, he coidd net see in 
them any thing that was not perfectly loath- 
some. Sir, we have talked so long- about 
trade ; about v.'hat ought, an<l what oug'it nat 
to be regarded, it Seemed we had forgotiteu 
what it ever had he&i^. Let us look back a lit- 
tle ; perliaps when we arc sensible of what we 
iiave lost, we ii!;y be willing to make the grea- 
ter efforts to rei^-aia it. I am apprized, sir, 
tiiat the theory of the balance of trade be- 
tween nations, taken from custom-house booki, 
(we have no other autJiorlty) h;;s constantly, 
and perhaps will continue to deceive the wisest 
statesmen ; but, so far as our reports f/or.i u e 
Ti-easiuy go to shew the amount of actual in;- 
ports and exports, they may be safely rel'i-id 
on. What, sir, was the state of our commerce 
in 1804 ] Upon an average of the years 1.302, 
3, 4, it stood til us : To tlic British dominions, 
in Eui-ope, (fiihi-altar excepted) wc annually 
exported, of domestic produce, S^-'j^^^OjOOO; 
of foreign merchandize, g2,260,UU'J ; making^ 
an ag-gregate of exports, ^15,6yo,y'J'J ; but 
the am(>unt or" our imports, IVoin the same 
j.daces, was §27,400,000 ; leaving a balance 

I in favor of Great Britain, cf ^11,710,^); 

I but noiwitlistanding the exportation of cotton 
had increased in 1804 to SG,3G0,000, the c:- 
ports of that year were <.'nly ^13,w'>J,ti'>.i, 
v.Iiile the importation Iiad been swelled to lii.-. 
enormous amount of §27,uO0,OC0 ; h-aving a 
bahince agai.,*' !is, for tb;;". year, S^ !)200,b00. . 
The lial.'uice, in favor of Great IJi iraiu, iii our 
trade to IJritish India, is stau-.d iJ 1^3,o30,000, 
which, added to that of her European domi- 
nions, cyivitituto a balanc<; in her iavor of 
Sl5,'i40,U00. U is to this point, he wished 
to calltl'.e gentleman's attentio:i. IIow is that 
bal.mce obtained ? li' he will a- tempt to ac- 
count for it indisputably, lu- must fmd tlie oi - 
tiers in council are not merely ]viper and ink. 
Again, sir, the importa i ins tVoni all parts of 
the worhl, <luring liie same period, were irom 
l'..iiis!i dor.iinioiis, S3o,9ro,000 ; from the 
iVortlicrn powers, Prussia and Germany, 
Vj 7,094,000 ; fiom Holland, France, Spain and 
I'aly, (now France) 2?5,475j(J0O ; froui tLe 



don.Inions of Portugal, Sl,083,000 ; fiomChi- 
r;a and oiher native powers of Ash, §4,856,000; 
from all ot'-ei- places, §838,000, making un 
aR-frrcg-ate of §75,316,000. The exports, for 
tlis sair^e period, and to all parts of the world, 
were, of domeslic produce, §39,928,000 ; of 
foreign merchandize, §28,533,000; of these 
amounts, tliere were cxpotted to the countries 
over which the French dominion is now extend- 
ed, of domestic produce, §12,183,000, and of 
foreign mercliandize, §18,495,000 ; making 
the aggregate exports to those places, 
^30,678,000 ; the aggregate imports amount- 
ing to §25,475,000,' leaves a balance in our fa- 
vor of §5,203,000 ; M'hile at the same time, 
the balance was on the trade to Britisli domi- 
nions, §15,240,000 against us. Sir, what lias 
become of this commerce ? He entreated the 
gentkman to inform us, how this immense ba- 
lance was to be settled, when all the commerce 
of the country, to other phtces than British, 
was cut oflT ? Every practical man knows, the 
gentleman himself must know, that the profits 
of the trade now destroyed by the orders in 
council, are necessary to mr.ke up the deficit 
of our exports to G. Britain. The gentleman 
states tiie exports of domestic produce to 
France at §2,700,000 ; to Great Britain at 
§32,000,000 ; of course, said he, to go to war 
for the revocation of llie orders in council, 
would be to barter a trade of tliirty-two milli- 
ons, for one of two millions seven hundred 
thousand dollars ; So tliat, by the samr? pro- 
cess of reasoning, had the orders destroyed the 
Tuholi; trade to Vrencli dominions, it would be 
still more unwise to resLst them, as the trade 
to G. Kritain would be in a slill greater p-o- 
portion than tliirty-two to two. Is it possible 
the gentleman should not see that, bv his ar- 
grmient, the greater the injury sufftjred from the 
orders in council, the greater would be their 
ji*tification ? 

[^?f/-. Sheffey explained that he had stated 
the exports to France were only § 2,700,000, 
pr.;.vious to the existence of tlie orders in coun- 
cil, and therefore could not have been reduced 
to that sum by those orders. He was satisfied 
the gentleman from Soutli Carolina, did not 
mean to mistate him. J 

The gentleman (continued Mr. 'Williams) 
does me justice, to misrepresent him is the 
farthest tiling from my iiUention. Rut, Mr. 
Speaker, there is no diilci-ence in point of fact, 
between tlie gentleman from Virginia and m}-- 
3clf, however, we may difier about terms. Sir, 
that trade was destroyed by Bi-ivish agency, and 
it is altogether immaterial, wliethe'r the des- 
truction was effected by her blockade of France, 
or by thl;-, or that order of coimcll ; the inju- 
ry i:i received, the destruction is effected, the 
principle is th.e same. Sir, tlie injury is not 
confined to the reduction of the trade to France 
'J.'ily, but auect.s that to Great Britain also, so 
faf as its profits are necessary to maintain that 
trade. But v/hat i.s the condition of the com- 
inerce with Great Britain now, wiiicli lie esti- 
matts at .^2,000,000? Truly mii.erable— the great 
.■.•:a])li.R of your coutitry, wheat and flour ex- 
cepted (observe thev are not articles of perma- 
nent export to Great Britain) hud better be 
'►hr j\vi» y.T the wharf Uian shipped U\ere. Lot 



5 ) 

me st:ppose 'the gehtleiTi&n to be en^agtd in t, 
particular branch of commerce ; that his sales 
are restricted to a market glutted with from 
three to ten times the amount ^f ii-s censump- 
tion, wovdd not his ruin be inevitable ? HotV 
is tobacco affected ? Export 75,000 bogheads 
to any place where only 15,000 are consumed, 
and the effect is obvious. Enquire hito the state 
of the cotton market — where is the crop of 1810 ? 
A curse to him who meddled with it ? Where 
is that of 1811 ? Rotting at home in the hands 
of the grower, waiting the repeal of the ordcni 
in council. Sir, T know, I feel tlicse to be some 
of the effects of those orders; yet there must 
not be resisted, it would be to barter a trade of 
32 millions for two ! They are mere paper and 
ink. 

But we are going to war for honor ; that it 
seems is a mere bubble. It was astonishing to 
liear that the gentleman, who tiiraself cherishes 
as high notions of honor as other men, should 
s.?ck to destroy it in his own country. That wliich 
is sacred in an individual, car.not be less so in a 
nation. Is tliat (^roud virtue, that exalted at- 
tribute, without which there is neither value 
nor patriotism in the individual, to be treated 
with dii^respec", to be utterly d"iscarded, when 
the great concerns of the nation are under con- 
sid'M-ation ? Of what is the natinn composed? 
Of brutes, si>^ ormen; hiuh minded, honorable 
men ? He pres\imcd he could offer no outrage 
so great to tliat gentleman as the slightest im- 
putation on his honor, and shall that which 
graces the character of a gentleman, he scouted 
from this House ? Shall we, who hold our ho- 
nor dearer tlian life and all its blessings, consi- 
der that of the nation as a bubble ? Miserable 
indeed will he our condition, when there shall 
be "nolliing U.vly ill our cursed natures, bat 
villainy direct." Sir, lite gentleman preaches 
a dangerous doctrine ; it goes to sap the foun- 
dations of society, to imbiitcr the sweetest en- 
dearments of life. We have travelled far on 
th ■ Jiigli road to ruin, when individuals are 
taught to calculate their interests to be at vari- 
ance with tliose of the nation or its government. 
Such doctrine must destroy us. But, said the 
gcnilernan, if honor is not a matter of calcula- 
tion, why pay the tribute to the Barb.ary pow- 
ers ? Tie hoped to be excused, when he de- 
clared liimself mortified to see that gentleman 
stoop to such an argument ; it is destitute even 
of original it}'. 

AVhen the embargo v.'as laid every species of 
contumely was cast upon ail who approved it. . 
We were accused of crimes, with a prodig.dity 
ofabu.se tliat was never before witnessed. That 
v.e had abandoned their rights to the ocean — 
tliat our seamen h:id been shamefully sacrificed 
— tliat our eastern navigating interest h.ad been 
treacherously destroyed. The Embargo was 
at lengtli given up, and the non-intercourse lav.' 
was adopted. That too was wrong, says the 
gentleman— then non-importation was resorted 
to — still wrong. He ])rayed the gentleman to 
say what Vvoiild be right. If he will neither 
stay at home to avoid injury, nor fight wiien it 
is inflicted abroad, what will he do ? Sir, I 
.".m for fis'hting! ^ No, savs the gentknnan, let 
us hare no w.^.r, now you have selected y.Mu 
enpiny. by p'trvhasing' of Napoleon l!ie priv;-- 



( 6 



; 



lef^ of goini* to France. Is that a fair st.ifement 
-1 ihc fact ; that ^-entleman canno ])cHcv<; it. 
He is too honorable himself, deliherutcly to 
poet others of sush d;\st;irclly Cf)n(luc.t. He 
t.;;hcd the pcntlciv;iii to look back, upon the 
Co duct of the adir.instr.itioii, and point out any 
terms \vhicl» hud been oiTerci to France, in tlie 
atnallest dei^rec more favorable, that have been 
•5«Ted to Eng'land Were not the same terms 
•fltrcd to both, and always _^r5; to Eni^land ? 
Is there any man wlio doubts, that tlie same 
identical terms which Fiance has accepted, have 
Been rejected by Enf^krul ? How then can it be 
3aid \vc pu xhasfd of France any rig'lit whatever ? 
il'.-did not think the g-entleman could be .q-uilty 
of believing such an insinuation. It is not true. 
"Bui, the reveise is tlie fact. The administra- 
tion did at one time, offer more favorable terras 
to Great Britain, tiian to France. He alluded 
to the ofter to suspend the Embarifo. The 
terms then were difl'ercnt ; those to tircat liri- 
Viin moat favorable. It was apprehended France 
would accept the terms offered to Great niitain, 
T.ithout .iftordiiig- that security to commerce 
wliich, Was considered a just et/'iivalent for tlie 
repeal of the embargo. Eng'iand herself, se- 
lected the situation in which she is placed. 
The difference between the tone of supplication 
at London, and remonstrance at Paris is indeed 
palpable, Have we not bowed, and bes^ged, 
and entreated for accommodation, until our 
then minisier at London, had been charg'cd 
by many, thou.g-h not by lilm, with a prostitu- 
tion of his functions and character; with dis- 
pracing- the nation by his supplications ? Did not 
every man in the communliysee, that tlie admi- 
KistratioH had done every thing- in their power, 
to obtain a repeal of the oi-ders in council, and 
yet because France has accepted, and EM,C;-land 
ref\!se,d the terms of adjustment, it Is talked of 
as tlve purchase of a right ! When tlie ari'ang- 
mctit with Mr. Erskine was effected, did any 
one then candemn the administration for having 
purchased of Great Britain, the privilege of go- 
jr.g to her dominions ? On the contrary, were 
not all rejoiced, and anxious to sh.avc the credit 
of that arrangement ? S.ioner or later, sir, we 
must fight or be sacrificed ; the sooner we begin, 
in his opinion, the better. Hut we must not 
resist the injustice and tyranny of Great Rritain, 
she li fighting, said the gcnlleman, for her ex- 
ists, nee! for he liberties of the world! Sir, if 
Lcr existence depends upon the ruin of my 
country; then, 1 say, down let her go. He 
thouglit the gentlemiui was as wide fi-om the 
fact l,?re, as in any otlier argument. It is im- 
possible, IVom the very nature of our conimcice 
with her, that it simuld weaken, much kss 
tlestroy her. A traik* wliich, co!»sists in the 
exportation r.f raw materials and the neressaries 
ofliti', receiving its reuirns, i)riiicipally, in lier 
own nianufacUircs, must neo'ssarily advance 
her interi si, ;iiul invigorate her sM'onglh. If 
she would abandon her mad policy against us, 
that saniv spirit of enterprise, which extended 
into every region of the world, seeking (lie 
means whereiiy to canccMliat balance in lier 
favor, b'forc alluded to, would again pour its 
rich and tribufiry stroama into all her domini- 
ons. Under such a state of Ihin,;.-*, he would 
r.'-joirr as niv.-.h -^r. any man, to see her arm 



stre'igthened ; but if tliat arm is to contiu't.? 
lifted against his r/nrntty, he cared not ho\e 
soon it was h'prosied and dcstro)'ed. 

She is contending for th? liberties of the 
worM ! he would as soon have expected to 
hear that the Djvil iiad e.=;pous<;d t^e cause of 
Christianity ! So far from fi-htiMg for the liber- 
ties of th-^ world, the standard of freedom had 
never been raised in any country without her 
attempti'ig to puU it down. If it was not fo- 
reign to his jju/pose, he eould trace her f:)ot- 
steps wherever she moved, mark.-d by blood 
and desolation — all the miseries of war and re- 
vengeful massacre liave traveled in her train^ in - 
to everv region inhabited by man. For whos^ fell 
cujiiclitv, were so many human hecntoi-iibs sacri- 
ficed in India? For wliose more fell ambition, 
did she wag; war on inftmcy and innocence in 
t!ie west ? For whom does t!ie savage yell now 
wake the sleep of the cradle ? England ! 
I.ulisputably, to exten 1 and secure ancf CMtend 
and sf-cure tlie blessings of liberty to the 
world ! 

The gentleni:«i had said, if the war on which 
we are about to enter, bo jusr, we have mt tho 
means to carry it on. His worthv colleague 
(Ml-. Lowndes) had rendered it perfectly umie- 
cesar\' for him to meet this arg inieut ; he would 
tlieref)re, only observe, that if the war be just 
and necessary, it ouglit to be commenced — if 
commenced, "it must be supported; cost f)Vit of 
tlie question. Tlie pwwcr of maiutaining it, 
will find no limitation, as long as you cani\ai,se 
a revenue sufficient to pay t!ie interest of the 
debt you may incur in prosecuUig the war. 
Sir, i't is worse than idle, to tSix ab.Mit war 
without a disposition to provide the ni/ans of 
carrvi'.g it on by taxes — they are insenurable. 
Forhis; p.irt, he was ready to vote tli^ni, and 
he had no doubt that the peopl'S ]:nowing that 
tlie adiTiioistration had done every thirag in tlieir 
power, and more than was called for, by any 
other consideration than a love <jf peace, to 
avoid war, would sustain it as long as the re- 
sources of the nation were applied with spirit 
and faiUifidnes.s — at ail events, let us do our 
duty and leave tiie rest to them. 

13ut,'if your means be sufficient, s:'id t!>.e 
gcntleuTUi, your physical force is inodequ.-ite — 
if this army is employed v.'ithout the limits of 
tiie United' St.ates, we are threatened with war 
on ovu- eastern frontier — our towns will be 
burnt— our cities sac'ied. Can the gen th man 
estimate the patriotism of freemen, Icsj tlian 
the obedience of slaves ? Is the physical force 
of the owner of the American soil, lesstliun 
that of the mercenary hireling of Europe? Do 
you doubt ? Call up the great spirits uf the pa- 
triot dead— appeal to the unbroken valor of the 
living — to those men, the steriiag excellence of 
whose virtues, bore them triumphant thnuigli 
the unequalled horrors of the revolution ! He 
could not believe that seven liundred thousand 
freemen in .ariris, were inadi-qualc to sustain 
any war, in defence of their just and dearest 
riglils. 

But it is said, if our means and physical 
Ibrce were adequate to the \var, our ob;eets 
cinnot be obtained by it. M". W. .said lie 
thought otherwise. It appeared to jiim, much 
easier to settle the terms of a u:w peace, than 



( 7 ) 



to patch lip the old quarrel, ^^'■hen he consi- 
t'eredlhe limited extent ol" oiu* demands, a.ul 
llie nature of the pressure on the enenn;, lie 
conld not but believe our objects would be at- 
t.iined. What are our demands ? What have 
v,e been so long seekin.g, rather beo^pfing' ; for 
ve have begged negociation ? Truly, IVlr. 
Speaker, in two short words, " hands off !" 
VVe iisk — no, sir, we never have asked of her, 
j>ny boon, any sacrifice whatever. "Hands ofl" 
is the only term or stipvjation that we sue for ; 
fulfilled, she would bind this nation to her 
fate. But v/hat is the nature of the pressure 
and injury that we can inflict? They are to 
her deep and dangerous. We also must suflTcr ; 
but, tliaiik God, we can stand it. The appe- 
tite of revenge is keen and steady ; in most 
men, inextinguishable. It was not wanting, 
however it may have been p evoked, to enable 
individual cnterprize to wage a war, if not of 
absolute ruin, cei'tainly of vital injury to her 
commerce, not only " befwre our doors," in 
the West Indies, under the heights of Dover, 
but to the Indian Ocean. Deprive the West- 
Indies of the supplies of our necessaries of life 
and of lumber, and their profitable cultivation 
M'ould be too much diminished, not to be con- 
sidered. Take our raw materials from her ma- 
nufactures, and they are injured, not merely 
to the amount of the enlianced price of such 
articles, but to the entire loss of their whole 
exports to this country. Is such an injury too 
trifling for her cansiderution ? The conquest 
of Iwr North American colonies too, mnt,t be 
felt. Ye.H, sir, conquest-— for they rnust inevi- 
tably fall. The gentleman ma}' deprecate the 
physical force of an American army as much as 
he pleases ; but rely upon it, whenever the 
storm of war is poured on Canada and Halifax, 
it will sweep vith the resistless impetuosity of 
Xiagara. 

But, if you wage a successful war, saj-s the 
;gentleman, the army will probably overthrow 
the constitution, as none but Gen. Washington 
could have prc% ented the army of the revolu- 
tion irum subverting the liberties It had con- 
quered. IMr. W. declared, th.-.t observation 



was to him, truly painful ; he wished such an 
insinuation against such an arm}', could hava 
been spared. Sir, that army was true to the 
core. It is not pi'obable that such a band of pa- 
triots, tlie OTily army that ever did give liberty to 
a country, could have imagined its destruction. 
To this fact, the letters of Newburg were con- 
clusive. Those letters were alone wanting, to 
finish the purity of its character. Suppose 
there were two, or even three traitors in a 
camp, does it follow that the whole army 
must necessarily be polluted ? No, sir. So 
far v/as he from believing, the liberties of tlie 
country were in danger from tlie army, ha ■ 
would say, there never was a period, during 
the whole revolutionary war, when the great; 
W;ishingt( n himself, justly as he has been de- 
scribed, " tlie sanctuary of a nation's best 
love," could have been a successful usurper. 
It was as impossible, as that sucli a black pro- 
ject should enter his virtuous mind. He felt 
the profoundest gratitude, even adoration if 
it were justifiable for man, to that inestima- 
ble body of men, who achieved the liberties 
we enjoy. Their arduous toils — their hard- 
ships — his feelings were too much excited 
to go on. He believed, he could never have 
stood hei'e a fi-eeman, but for that arm}-. 

If, sir, we are to take counsel of the gentle- 
man from Virginia, we are In a most awful si- 
tuation ; notwithstanding the proud glories of 
the revolution, we must submit to every indig- 
nity ; every daring infraction of our rights. It 
would seem we are destitute of resources ; 
without means to support the war ; even our 
physical foice is inadequate : but, was it 
adequate, were the means ample, they must not 
be exerted ; the government would be subvert- 
e'l ; the vail of the temple of the constitution 
would be fent in twain. Although the best in- 
terests of tliis nation are crushed beneatli 
the paw of the British lion, we must not resist; 
he then is wisest, who can soonest bow, witli 
all the stupid serenity of servitude, and take 
the yoke ! Every faculty of my soul, said Mr. 
\V. is indignant at this counsel, and for onp^ i 
sav, I will not submit. 



LiBR*^ * SSr- 



te"89r652 1' 



